The Unflattering Truth of Asian Women’s Fetishization

Claire Park

The fetishization of Asian women is a reinforcement of the late 19th century’s imperialistic practices and mindsets, stripping them of their individuality and complexity.

Asian woman in traditional Vietnamese dress. Anna Tarazevich. Pexels.

During the early to mid-20th century, in the midst of Western imperialism, the United States’ formal occupations of Asia left many soldiers leveraging their domination of a more specific subject: Asian women. When white soldiers arrived in countries like Japan and Vietnam with Western beliefs of supremacy, they viewed the local women as weak, submissive and demure individuals who could easily be controlled. With the plight, despair and poverty of the wars, namely World War II and the Vietnam War, this representation materialized in the form of sex and prostitution, with Asian women’s “submissiveness” catering to soldiers’ needs for outlets of rest and recreation. The rape and degradation of these women birthed the symbol of Asian women being hypersexual, docile playthings, subservient to white superiority. 

As soldiers made their way back to America, they brought this fantasized Orientalism with them. These characterizations of Asian women as sexually compliant have since been reinforced through contemporary arts, literature and media. Novels like “Madame Chrysantheme” and stage productions such as “M. Butterfly” and “Miss Saigon” have perpetuated the stereotype of Asian women as mere objects dependent on white males for validation and existing only for sex. These “love” stories have romanticized the idea of forced prostitution, the struggle of Asian people during times of war and the white-savior story. Alternatively, other media, such as the film “Kill Bill,” have used Asian women’s alluring foreignness to establish the Dragon Lady stereotype, portraying them as mysterious and dangerous figures who tempt men for their own gain.

The recent popularity of anime in the West often appeals to large male audiences by combining both of these racialized stereotypes of meekness and enticement. While some female anime characters may be powerful heroines, a good portion of them are scantily clad with youthful, childlike features, which undermines those more optimal portrayals and exalts the objectification, hypersexuality and infantilization of Asian women. This depiction is not only harmful to Asian women and their perceptions of self but also completely disrespects Japanese and Asian culture by bastardizing it.

The misrepresentation of Asian women, their racial characteristics and their stories crafted through the Western gaze has conditioned people to view them as a type of fantasy rather than as individuals. While it may initially feel flattering to be desired for certain attributes one possesses, this fetishized attraction is rooted in a longstanding power imbalance, denying Asian women complexity and respect. The development and promotion of the acquiescent yet provocative racial label for Asian women has not only created external harm through harassment but has also fostered an internal pressure to perform a certain kind of sexuality or look a certain way. 

 Many Asian women feel othered with this emphasis on their “exotic” qualities. The constant questioning of how they’re perceived and the historical and media evidence confirming that they’re valued for certain racial traits rather than who they are as a whole person can deeply affect how they understand their self-worth. Moreover, Asian women’s racial and sexual objectification has been linked to health issues related to body image and eating disorders in pursuit of fitting the petite litheness associated with the idealized Asian woman. These uncertainties and pressures are not only harmful to Asian women’s self-esteem but also inhibit the development of their sense of self, at times making them resort to alignment with the fetishization in order to feel safe and accepted. 

While the fetishization of Asian women has persisted and evolved, actively working toward dismantling its enablement starts with education. Rather than accepting racial misrepresentations as something entrenched in society, media portrayals and their origins should be questioned, individuals should examine personal biases and Asian voices should be central in storytelling. In doing so, the authenticity and individuality of Asian women as people can finally be championed.

Claire Park

Claire Park is a sophomore at the University of California, Berkeley, studying English and Media Studies with a minor in Music. Her experience writing lifestyle content for UC Berkeley's The Daily Californian newspaper has inspired her to expand her scope to the realm of travel, pursuing her aspirations of becoming a travel journalist. When not writing, Claire can be found singing, reading romance books, journaling at the beach, or acquiring a sweet, caffeinated beverage.

Cuba’s Oil Shock Is Becoming a Human Crisis

Carol Khorramchahi

As fuel dries up and shortages deepen, Cuba’s state of crisis is becoming impossible to ignore.

Pedestrians on a Havana street. JF Martin. Unsplash.

Cuba is back in the news this week after a violent episode at sea. On Feb. 25, 2026, Cuban authorities said they killed four exiles and wounded another six when a Florida-registered speedboat entered Cuban waters and opened fire on a patrol. U.S. officials said no American government personnel were involved and promised an investigation. But the boat story, dramatic as it is, sits on top of a much larger crisis: daily life in Cuba has been unraveling under fuel shortages, blackouts and a growing lack of food and medicine.

To understand why, one can look toward the oil industry. For more than 25 years, Venezuela was Cuba’s main external fuel lifeline. Reuters reported that in 2025, Venezuela supplied about 26,500 barrels of oil per day, which is about one-third of Cuba’s daily needs. That relationship was especially significant because Cuba does not produce or refine enough fuel to cover demand on its own. When U.S. pressure cut into Venezuelan shipments, the result was not abstract geopolitics; it was fewer buses, less electricity and harder choices about which parts of daily life could keep running.

That is what makes the current moment more than just another sanctions story. On Feb. 12, U.N. human rights experts condemned Washington’s new fuel restrictions, warning that interfering with fuel imports may trigger “a severe humanitarian crisis” and damage essential services. Cuba’s government has already announced fuel-saving measures to protect sectors like water, education, agriculture and healthcare. The country can meet only about 40% of its fuel needs domestically, leaving it deeply exposed when imports are disrupted.

The healthcare system shows the human cost most clearly. Cuba was long known for its strong public health and for frequently sending doctors abroad, but that image of expertise is colliding with today’s shortages. In a recent BMJ report, physician Tania Maria Cruz Hernandez said there is now a shortage of doctors, nurses and technicians, along with half of the country’s basic medicines and essential medical supplies. Cuban health officials also say that fuel shortages are leaving hospitals without reliable ambulance service and complicating the transport of critical supplies.

That is the question hanging over the current crisis: what exactly is the United States’ goal? Washington says its measures are aimed at the Cuban government, not ordinary people, and the Treasury has now said companies may resell Venezuelan oil to Cuba’s private sector under narrow conditions. But the gap between official intent and daily reality is hard to ignore when flights are canceled for lack of aviation fuel, hospitals struggle to stay open and other countries are shipping emergency food aid.

The speedboat incident may dominate headlines for a day or two. But the more important story is slower and less cinematic: a country where shortages shape nearly every decision, and where the pressure of sanctions is felt not only by the state but by families trying to find transportation, medicine, electricity and a workable future.

GET INVOLVED:

Follow humanitarian updates from the U.N. Human Rights Office, track public-health reporting through the BMJ and support relief work through U.N. agencies responding to Cuba’s shortages, including the World Food Programme and UNICEF.

Carol Khorramchahi

Carol Khorramchahi is a student at Boston University, where she studies English and Psychology and minors in Journalism. She enjoys writing and reporting on stories that bring together culture, identity, and community, and has experience in both newsroom reporting and digital media. She is especially interested in thoughtful storytelling with a global lens.

How Rats are Combating Cambodia’s Mine Crisis

Ryan Yianni

On the outskirts of Siem Reap, rats are leading the fight against landmines in one of the world’s most affected countries.

Author pictured with Glen the HeroRAT. Ryan Yianni.

“Once you’ve been to Cambodia, you’ll never stop wanting to beat Henry Kissinger to death with your bare hands.” 

One of the late Anthony Bourdain’s most recognizable quotes centers on the role the U.S. played in the devastation of the mine-infested Southeast Asian country during the Vietnam and Cambodian Civil Wars. Cambodia’s natural beauty, plethora of breathtaking temples and numerous UNESCO World Heritage sites are overshadowed by its dark history of authoritarianism and genocide under Pol Pot and the Khmer Rouge. Perhaps there is no greater evidence of the past’s lingering effect on the nation than the estimated 6 million mines still littered across Cambodia, which claimed the lives of 12 people in 2024, along with another 29 casualties and eight amputations. During my visit to the country in March 2025, I was able to seeAPOPO’s visitor center, learning how one organization is working to clear these mines using a rather unconventional method: rats.

Cambodia has one of the highest rates of amputation in the world, with over 40,000 amputees since the outbreak of hostilities in the 1960s. Several sides are responsible for planting the explosives that have caused these casualties; the Americans dropped nearly 3 million tons of ordnance between 1965 and 1973, the Khmer Rouge, under Pot, laid an estimated 4 million to 6 million landmines and other munitions, and the government of the People’s Republic of Kampuchea, a satellite state of Vietnam, planted mines along the entirety of the Cambodia-Thailand border after the Rouge’s overthrowal. There are a number of organizations working to remove the remaining unexploded ordnance (UXO) in Cambodia, such as the HALO Trust, Mines Advisory Group and Cambodian Self Help Demining, all doing valuable work. One notable group is APOPO, which stands out for its innovative use of rats as a mine action solution.

APOPO is a Belgian NGO that trains southern giant pouched rats, dubbed HeroRATs, and survey dogs to detect landmines and tuberculosis. Founded in 1997 by Bart Weetjens, who discovered a publication in which gerbils were used for scent detection, APOPO began training rats in 1998 with funding from the Belgian government before relocating their headquarters to Tanzania in 2000, where they are still based. Having gathered enough evidence that the rats would be effective, they carried out their first trials in 2003, with all twenty landmines successfully found. Achieving operational accreditation in 2004, the group officially launched its HeroRAT campaign the following year before beginning its operations in 2006, tackling mine-clearance procedures in Mozambique. They partnered with the Cambodian Mine Action Center in 2014, with the first group of HeroRATs arriving in 2015. As of 2026, they operate in Angola, Azerbaijan, Cambodia and Ukraine, and they have cleared over 170,000 mines from over 132 million square meters of land. Their work so far in Cambodia has seen them clear over 8,000 landmines and nearly 43,000 pieces of UXO, such as bombs, shells and other munitions that failed to detonate, returning over 75 million square meters of land to local communities. At APOPO’s visitor center in Siem Reap, you can learn firsthand about the work they do in helping clear Cambodia of mines and overcome the traumas of the country’s past.

The visitor center provides tours every day from 8:30 a.m. to 4:30 p.m. Each tour lasts approximately one hour, and tickets can be purchased on arrival or in advance on their website. I arrived at the center in the afternoon after a ten-minute tuk-tuk ride from the core of Siem Reap. Conveniently, the center is also located near Angkor Wat, making the temple a perfect addition to your travel itinerary (plus, they have a cafe on site and make a great mango smoothie). On my visit to the APOPO center, having gone later in the day, I was able to enjoy fewer crowds, followed by a beautiful sunset at Angkor Wat. Most people go to the center in the morning before heading to Angkor Wat during the day, as you can’t go past the main gates of the temple after 5 p.m. 

At the start of the tour, you’ll be shown a video contextualizing the scale of the mine issue in Cambodia and explaining the work that APOPO does to clear UXO. Then you will be able to look through the center at the displays of cleared explosives before heading out to the demonstration zone, where you finally meet the stars of the show: the HeroRATs.

Recovered explosives housed in the APOPO Visitor Center. Ryan Yianni

Once outside, you get an up-close and personal interaction with the rats, even being able to hold one of them. Here, I learned that the rats are trained with a click toy to encourage them to hunt before they are introduced to the TNT scent. The weight of the rats allows them to detect mines without setting them off, and the speed at which they can locate the scents makes for an efficient way to clear large swathes of land. The rats are much quicker and safer than humans ever could be; once fully trained, they can clear an area the size of a tennis court in 30 minutes. To put that into perspective, it would take a human using a metal detector four days to clear an area this size. At the center, you will also get to see a reenactment of how they scan for TNT, with defused mines laid out in the demonstration zone for the rats to sniff and detect.

Demonstration area in APOPO Visitor Center. Ryan Yianni.

Undoubtedly, the hero and poster boy of the APOPO mission is Ronin, who in 2024 was awarded a Guinness World Record for being the most successful Mine Detection Rat in history, having detected 109 landmines and 15 items of UXO in Cambodia. Unfortunately, during the production of this article, APOPO announced that Ronin had passed away after suffering health complications. There is still a whole team of HeroRATs stationed in Cambodia, with 24 new rats arriving from their training base in Mozambique in October 2025.

APOPO is a brilliant organization working hard to remove landmines and UXO from the Cambodian countryside and beyond. They strive to make the world a safer place and help countries move past their dark histories, and having recently celebrated 10 years of operations in Cambodia, they’re showing no signs of slowing down in their mission to help the country become completely mine-free. Taking a trip to APOPO’s visitor center is especially enlightening when taking in the context of some of Siem Reap’s other important historical sites, such as the genocide museum and the killing fields. Visiting will give you a raw, unfiltered look into the horrors of the Pol Pot regime and an appreciation for Cambodia’s emergence from the dark history it is still facing the consequences of.

GET INVOLVED:
If you would like to support APOPO’s work, you can do so here.

Ryan Yianni

Europe’s TikTok Crackdown

Carol Khorramchahi

As European leaders push age limits and tougher platform rules, the debate is no longer whether social media affects teens but rather what lawmakers should do about it.

Students using smartphones in classroom. RDNE Stock project. Pexels.

In Europe, the debate over teen social media use is moving fast. What used to sound like a parenting argument about how much screen time is too much is increasingly becoming a policy fight over age limits, platform design and whether companies should be legally forced to protect minors. Recent proposals in countries including Spain, Greece, France, Britain and Germany show how quickly governments are hardening their approaches to apps like TikTok and Instagram.

At the European Union level, lawmakers are pushing for a broader shift. In a November 2025 resolution, the European Parliament called for a harmonized digital minimum age of 16 for using social media, AI companions and video-sharing platforms while still allowing access for ages 13 to 16 with parental consent. The resolution is not legally binding, but it signals where the political momentum is heading: less focus on individual parental controls and more focus on rules that platforms must follow.

Germany is one of the clearest examples of that momentum. Reuters reported on Feb. 21, 2026, that Germany’s ruling conservatives backed a motion to ban social media use for children under 14, push stricter digital age verification for teenagers and support fines for platforms that fail to enforce limits. That does not mean a nationwide ban will happen immediately, as Germany’s federal system makes media regulation more complicated, but it shows how mainstream these proposals have become.

This is also why Australia keeps coming up in the European debate. Julie Inman Grant, Australia’s eSafety Commissioner, says age-restricted platforms must now take “reasonable steps” to prevent under-16s from creating or keeping accounts, and platforms can face major penalties if they fail to comply. The model matters because it shifts the burden from parents and kids to tech companies, which is exactly the direction many European policymakers now favor.

Still, the move is not without criticism. Professor Sonia Livingstone at the London School of Economics and Political Science argues that governments should be cautious and build better evidence before rushing into broad bans. That tension is at the center of the story; many officials believe action is overdue, while researchers and rights advocates warn that blunt bans may create new problems, including privacy concerns around age verification and weaker oversight if teens move to less-regulated spaces.

For parents, the practical takeaway is simple. The conversation is no longer just about family rules at home. Across Europe, governments are now asking whether social media platforms should be treated more like products with age restrictions and if companies, not families, should be held responsible when those safeguards fail.

GET INVOLVED:

Learn more about youth online safety policy through the European Parliament’s digital policy coverage, follow implementation updates through Australia’s eSafety Commissioner social media age restrictions page and read research-based perspectives on children’s digital rights from the London School of Economics’ Media@LSE.

Carol Khorramchahi

Carol Khorramchahi is a student at Boston University, where she studies English and Psychology and minors in Journalism. She enjoys writing and reporting on stories that bring together culture, identity, and community, and has experience in both newsroom reporting and digital media. She is especially interested in thoughtful storytelling with a global lens.