A Guide to Chatuchak: Thailand’s Largest Market

Chatuchak Weekend Market is Thailand’s largest market, containing over 15,000 stalls. The market offers anything visitors could want to buy and provides an incredible cultural experience. 

If you want to buy anything at all in Thailand, from vintage clothes and home decor to street food and exotic animals, visit the Chatuchak Weekend Market. The market spans 35 acres in Bangkok and contains over 15,000 stalls, making it Thailand’s largest market and one of the largest in the world. Chatuchak is divided into 26 sections and is so expansive that maps are available to help visitors navigate the vendors. Most of Chatuchak’s stalls are open on weekends, hence the common name “Chatuchak Weekend Market,” but a number of stalls are open during the week as well. 

Chatuchak Weekend Market, also known as “Jatujak” or “JJ Market,” opened over 70 years ago. It began as a small, local Bangkok market called Sanam Luang in 1942. The market opened as a result of the rule of Thailand’s third prime minister, Field Marshal Plaek Phibunsongkhram, who ordered that every town have its own flea market in order to promote trade and boost the local economy. The market was relocated numerous times over the years until it was permanently established in Chatuchak in 1982 and officially named Chatuchak Market five years later. Today, the market receives an estimated more than 200,000 visitors each weekend and is known around the world as a landmark and a must-see destination in Bangkok. 

Due to Chatuchak Market’s incredible size, it can seem daunting to visitors. However, many people say that spending a day in the market wandering and hunting for what you want is an exciting part of the Chatuchak experience, and navigating the market is not as difficult as it may appear. Visitors to Chatuchak can pick up complimentary maps showing the locations of vendors from kiosks along the main road, which circles the entire market. This main road branches into a number of smaller alleyways called “soi,” which make up the market’s 27 sections. These sections are not organized by product; clothing, for example, is found in nearly every section, but the numbered areas will help visitors get their bearings. Additionally, there is a Chatuchak Guide app available for iOS and Android that displays a live map and allows users to search for products and stalls. 

Vendors at Chatuchak Market control their own operating hours, so the market does not open or close at a set time. It is listed as being open from 9 a.m. to 6 p.m. on Saturdays and Sundays, but many vendors will remain open as long as there are customers around. For visitors who want to explore the market but will not be in Bangkok over a weekend, smaller sections of the market open on Wednesdays, Thursdays and Fridays. The plant section opens from 7 a.m. to 6 p.m. on Wednesdays and Thursdays, and the wholesale section from 6 p.m. to midnight on Fridays.  

Bartering is common in Thailand, so prices at most Chatuchak stalls are negotiable unless otherwise posted. The Chatuchak Market website notes that the best approach to bartering is “smiling and being polite,” and not being concerned about walking away if you don’t get the price you’re hoping for. Since Chatuchak has over 15,000 stalls, you’re likely to be able to find a better deal at another stall, and you can always return and renegotiate later.

 It is recommended that travelers planning to visit Chatuchak Market spend at least three hours for a brief visit and five hours or longer for a more in-depth look.The best time to arrive is in the morning to give yourself ample time to explore. Visitors should dress in comfortable clothing and shoes. There are public restrooms throughout the market. Chatuchak Market is easily accessible by public transportation such as Skytrain, subways and buses, or by taxi or tuk-tuk, a motorcycle with a small carriage for seating two to three people. 

Chatuchak Market is a wonderful place to spend a day while in Bangkok. It offers visitors an opportunity to experience a piece of Thailand’s history and culture, taste authentic Thai street cuisine like pad thai and coconut ice cream, and browse a wide range of unique products.  

Rachel Lynch

Rachel is a student at Sarah Lawrence College in Bronxville, NY currently taking a semester off. She plans to study Writing and Child Development. Rachel loves to travel and is inspired by the places she’s been and everywhere she wants to go. She hopes to educate people on social justice issues and the history and culture of travel destinations through her writing.

Visit Mexico and Germany on a Virtual Visit Staycation

With the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic and winter fast approaching, many who traditionally would take a holiday vacation are stuck at home in an effort to curb the spread of the virus. That said, one can still enjoy a nontraditional vacation while following proper safety precautions. Here is our guide to taking an international “staycation” featuring two different destinations, as well as tips on how to design your own trip abroad from the comfort of your couch.

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Meet 6 Athlete-Activists Demanding Change

Social activism and athletics have become intertwined, especially in the digital age. Here are some of the world’s most impactful athlete-activists. 

The San Francisco 49ers kneeling during the playing of the national anthem. Keith Allison. CC BY 2.0.

Following the lead of Colin Kaepernick, a football player for the San Francisco 49ers who protested police violence through kneeling during the national anthem, athletes have increasingly embraced the intersection of athletics and activism. Four years after Kaepernick’s original act of peaceful protest, athletes are now some of the most vocal activists in the world, using their status to encourage social activism. Due to the modern celebrity of sports, combined with the wide platform of social media, athletes from almost every sport have devoted their time off the field to social causes. Here are six athlete-activists working to transform their communities:

Naomi Osaka playing tennis. Peter Menzel. CC BY 2.0. 

1. Naomi Osaka — Tennis

Naomi Osaka, the reigning U.S. Open champion, is the world’s highest-paid female athlete. She is also one of the most vocal supporters of the Black Lives Matter movement, using her platform to commemorate victims of racial violence. In August, Osaka withdrew from a tournament she was favored to win in protest of anti-Black injustice. In a statement on her social media accounts, Osaka wrote: “Before I am an athlete, I am a Black woman.” Osaka is an activist on the court as well, wearing seven different masks with the names of victims of police brutality and racism: Breonna Taylor, Elijah McClain, Ahmaud Arbery, Trayvon Martin, George Floyd, Philando Castile and Tamir Rice. 

Brittney Griner playing for the Phoenix Mercury. Lorie Shaull. CC BY 2.0. 

2. Brittney Griner — Basketball 

WNBA player and Olympian Brittney Griner is an outspoken advocate for the LGBTQ+ community. In 2017, Griner led the charge to prevent Texas from passing Senate Bill 3, which would have forced transgender people to use restrooms and locker rooms that match their gender assigned at birth. As a member of the LGBTQ+ community, Griner encourages young adults to be authentically themselves. Griner is also at the forefront of the movement for the WNBA to stop playing the national anthem prior to games in support of the Black Lives Matter movement. 

Akim Aliu in a mid-game interview. Anders H Foto. CC BY 2.0.  

3. Akim Aliu — Hockey 

In his essay titled “Hockey Is Not for Everyone,” written in May, professional hockey player Akim Aliu exposed the National Hockey League’s unaddressed problem with racism. After recognizing rampant racism in his sport, Aliu co-founded the Hockey Diversity Alliance, an organization dedicated to eradicating “systemic racism and intolerance in hockey” while making the sport accessible to all communities. In a statement posted on Twitter by the board of the organization, Aliu wrote: "We are hopeful that anyone who puts on skates or sits in the stands will do so without worrying about race, gender or socioeconomic background and will be able to express their culture, identity, values and personality without fear of retribution."

Juan Mata playing for his former team, Chelsea. Christopher Johnson. CC BY 2.0.

4. Juan Mata — Soccer

Manchester United player Juan Mata launched Common Goal in 2017, a charitable organization geared toward redistributing global soccer wealth back into the communities that raised and trained the world’s premier soccer stars. Mata was the first of his peers to pledge 1% of his salary to this organization, and the organization has now grown to include 390 pledgers and 207 partner organizations. Mata told The Players’ Tribune: “Through Common Goal we're creating a collaborative way for football to give back to society … By making the pledge, we can form a lasting connection between football as a business and football as a tool for social change.”

Fu Yuanhui and teammate Liu celebrate a 2015 backstroke win. Oleg Bkhamri. CC BY 2.0. 

5. Fu Yuanhui — Swimming

Chinese Olympic swimmer Fu Yuanhui is breaking down the stigma surrounding menstrual cycles for female athletes. At the Rio Olympics in 2016, Yuanhui openly shared the way in which her period affected her athletic performance, with social media users sharing widespread support for her honesty. In China, taboos around menstrual cycles lead to the topic seldomly being discussed, and Chinese swimming fans took to social media apps to praise Yuanhui for her honesty. Only 2% of women in Chinese use tampons, and Yuanhui’s acknowledgment of her period on a world stage was eye-opening for Chinese women, 76% of whom are reported to feel uncomfortable in social settings when they have their period. 

Fish on stage delivering a TED Talk. TEDxYouthSeattle. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.

6. Rosalie Fish — Running

College runner Rosalie Fish is the least-known athlete on this list, but one of the fiercest advocates of Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women (MMIW). In her senior year of high school, Fish ran her meets with the outline of a red hand painted across her face and the words Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women written on her leg. Now in college, Fish has become a leading figure in advocacy for MMIW. A member of the Cowlitz Tribe, Fish told Off the Cuff: “For me to say I don’t want Indigenous women to be ignored anymore is, by some people, a political statement. Advocating for Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women, they will say that’s political. To me that’s survival.” Fish has also delivered a TED Talk explaining her activism, which you can watch here. 

Sarah Leidich

is currently an English and Film major at Barnard College of Columbia University. Sarah is inspired by global art in every form, and hopes to explore the intersection of activism, art, and storytelling through her writing. 

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The Ainu: One of Japan’s Indigenous Groups

In August 2019, the Japanese government passed a law that officially recognized the Ainu as an Indigenous people group. After nearly two centuries of legalized discrimination, the Ainu are reclaiming their identity and history, and they are just getting started.

An Ainu couple before assimilation; their features are still different from those of their Japanese counterparts. Stuart Rankin. CC BY-NC 2.0.

In July, Japan unveiled the Upopoy National Ainu Museum, the country’s first cultural center dedicated to Indigenous identity. Located on the island of Hokkaido—one of the Ainu’s ancestral lands—the Upopoy Museum showcases the history of the Ainu through performances and historical relics. What is remarkable about the museum’s opening is not its resiliency amid a pandemic, but that the structure opened at all. Much like the power dynamic between American settlers and Native American tribes, the Ainu endured a legacy of forced assimilation by the ethnic Japanese and their ruling government.

Before this, the Ainu were a hunter-gatherer tribe that inhabited the northern islands of Ezo (present-day Hokkaido), the Kuril Islands and the Russian island of Sakhalin. According to archaeological records, the Ainu called these lands home as early as the 14,500 B.C. The Ainu also had strong ties to animism, a belief that manifested itself in the relationship between the Ainu and the bears on the islands. The Ainu even created a ceremony in which bear cubs were taken, raised and then sacrificed in a ritual offering. These symbolic rites guided Ainu tradition and their balanced connection with nature.

Ainu women performing a welcome dance on Hokkaido. Vladimir Tkalcic. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.

When the Meiji government annexed Hokkaido in the late 19th century, the Ainu’s pastoral way of life was interrupted. While the Ainu lived in Japan, they physically differed from their Japanese counterparts. The Ainu have a more European look with lighter skin and thick hair. Men sported full beards, and women tattooed their lips once they reached adulthood. Because of this, the Japanese derided the Ainu as backward and foreign. Around this time, Japan also became the first non-European country to have defeated Russia in battle. Flush with victory and newly acquired lands, the Japanese sought to build up a national myth of military might and cultural homogeneity. One of these initiatives included a policy of forced assimilation on the island of Hokkaido.

The Japanese government enlisted the help of American consultants who had reeducated their own North American Indigenous groups. The Ainu were forced into Japanese-speaking schools and were required to change their names. As the land was repurposed for industrial and agricultural uses, the Ainu were pushed into wage labor and became an impoverished and politically disenfranchised minority. Even after World War II, the Ainu were deprived. To participate in the scientific advancements of the mid-20th century, the Japanese government essentially emboldened researchers to rob Ainu graves and remains.  

The Upopoy National Museum is housed in Hokkaido, one of the Ainu’s ancestral homelands. Marek Okon. Unsplash. 

In February 2019, the Japanese government introduced a bill that would officially recognize the ethnic Ainu minority as an Indigenous people for the first time. The bill included measures that would support Ainu communities, fund scholarships and educational opportunities, and allow the Ainu to cut down trees in nationally owned forests for use in traditional practices.

While many lauded the proposal, some felt that the bill missed a crucial element: an apology. In an interview with CNN, musician Oki Kano shared that he was only 20 years old when he found out that he was Ainu. Thanks to rigorous assimilation policies, the Ainu in Japan bear more resemblance to ethnic Japanese than past generations. Because of the ugly legacy of discrimination, however, the true number of Ainu still left in Japan is unknown. Due to fear, many of the Ainu have chosen to hide their background, leaving younger generations with limited if any knowledge about their heritage. The Ainu language is also at risk of extinction.

Although the bill became law in August 2019 and Tokyo University returned some of the robbed remains the following year, the fight for the Ainu people’s rights is just beginning. Despite widespread recognition and gradual acceptance of the Ainu, some feel the Ainu culture is at risk of tokenization. Though the preservation of Ainu culture is commendable, the Ainu’s future should also be considered if they are to have a chance at survival.

Rhiannon Koh

Rhiannon earned her B.A. in Urban Studies & Planning from UC San Diego. Her honors thesis was a speculative fiction piece exploring the aspects of surveillance technology, climate change, and the future of urbanized humanity. She is committed to expanding the stories we tell.

With Democracy on the Horizon, Uzbekistan Flirts with Freedom

Uzbekistan’s new attention to human rights and democratic ideals, along with the rapid boom in its tourism industry and steps toward religious tolerance, are potential signifiers of progress.

Tashkent, capital of Uzbekistan. Markus Biedermann. CC BY NC-ND 2.0.

Cradled between Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan lies at the heart of Central Asia. Uzbekistan’s population is predominantly Sunni Muslim, and adherents are considered the most devout in Central Asia. The capital, Tashkent, is full of signs of its rich Islamic heritage: historic mosques and mausoleums are scattered among Soviet-style towers.

The country’s complex and multifaceted history explains its diverse population. At the height of the Silk Road, cities located in present-day Uzbekistan such as Bukhara and Samarkand were trading hubs between the East and the West. It was through these centers that Arab traders brought Islam and a written alphabet to the region. After centuries of conquests and rivalry between Uzbek city-states, Russia swallowed up these states with the promise of protection in the early 19th century. It was established as the Uzbek Soviet Socialist Republic in 1924, where religion was suppressed and the population inflicted with forced collectivization. 

Ever since Uzbekistan’s independence in 1991, long-serving President Islam Karimov has largely avoided democratization while embracing diplomacy and investment from the global community. Despite his attempts to join the U.S. in its “war on terror,” Karimov was regularly criticized by the United Nations for his long record of human rights violations. His persecution of the large Muslim population in Uzbekistan could not be ignored by U.S. in light of the Andijan massacre, when at least 187 civilians were killed. After Karimov’s death in 2016, Uzbekistan seems to have emerged from three decades of isolation and autocratic rule.

Today, President Shavkat Mirziyoyev’s administration boasts of its progressive policies: Mirziyoyev advocates for freedom of the press, supports religious tolerance and disapproves of unjust imprisonment. Since the start of Mirziyoyev’s presidency in 2016, a few journalists have been spared incarceration, previously blocked media platforms were made accessible, and a number of political prisoners were released. These actions displayed Mirziyoyev’s ostensible devotion to human rights, which was bolstered by his emerging friendship with U.S. Rep. Trent Kelly, his interaction with nongovernmental organizations, and his government’s partnership with the Cotton Campaign, which combats unpaid cotton production in Uzbekistan. As a result, Uzbekistan was elected to the U.N. Human Rights Council for the first time in history this October. In an article found on the United Nations’ website, Uzbekistan is lauded for its “firm commitment to the purposes and principles of the U.N. Charter and the universal declaration of human rights.” Although members of the U.N. carefully watch Mirziyoyev to ensure the establishment of these democratic ideals, Uzbekistan is now regarded as a country working toward greater freedom. 

There are complications involved in Mirziyoyev’s steps toward democratization. Even though Mirziyoyev has been vocal about eliminating Uzbekistan’s forced cotton labor, advocacy group Uzbek Forum found that forced labor persists in the country. Rather than setting up an institutional stronghold on the cotton industry, the government privatized the cotton sector, which only decentralized government-enforced labor by a few degrees. 

Mirziyoyev’s efforts toward modernizing the Uzbek capital of Tashkent have resulted in mass displacement of the city’s original inhabitants. Through the demolition of its buildings and the restructuring of its neighborhoods, the government has carried out a wide-scale gentrification of the city. Tashkent is now considered a travel destination, full of shining skyscrapers and new hotel districts. In order to bolster Uzbekistan’s economy, Mirziyoyev allowed visa-free travel for 30 days for visitors from 65 countries, including the United States.

These markers of progress are met with a mixture of emotions—the U.N. is enthusiastic about Mirziyoyev’s commitment to human rights, while Human Rights Watch remains skeptical of the legitimacy of these policies. The new seemingly democratic leadership of Mirziyoyev creates suspicion among Uzbeks and foreigners alike. Pushed by economic motivations, the president’s attempts to abide by the universal guidelines of human rights stir up hopes among Uzbeks for a freer future. 

Heather Lim

recently earned her B.A. in Literatures in English from University of California, San Diego. She was editor of the Arts and Culture section of The Triton, a student-run newspaper. She plans on working in art criticism, which combines her love of visual art with her passion for journalism.




Honoring San Basilio de Palenque: The First Town Liberated from Slavery in the Americas

The story of San Basilio de Palenque is one of unparalleled strength, resistance and bravery. 

River near San Basilio de Palenque. Fundacion Gabo. CC2.0 

Roughly 30 miles away from the port city of Cartagena, Colombia, lies the small town of San Basilio de Palenque. Palenque has rich historical significance, as it was the first free African town in the Americas. The town was declared a “Place of National Character and Cultural Interest” by the Colombian government and a “Masterpiece of the Oral and Intangible Heritage of Humanity” by UNESCO in 2005. 

History of San Basilio de Palenque

Town square in San Basilio de Palenque. Restrepo. CC2.0

San Basilio de Palenque was one of many walled forts, known as palenques, that were founded by those escaping slavery in colonial times. Founded in 1603 by Benkos Bioho and 36 other people, San Basilio is the only palenque remaining to this day and was successful due to its isolated location amid swamps and hills. Escaped slaves from Cartagena and surrounding regions would travel to San Basilio de Palenque in the hopes of seeking freedom. Against all odds, “palenqueros” formed their own army, language and support system to stay safe. The town was declared the first free town in the Americas in 1713, nearly 100 years before Colombia became independent from Spain. 

Palenqueros in Colombia Today

Palenquera women in Colombia. Vest. CC2.0

The isolated nature of San Basilio de Palenque provides limited employment opportunities, which in turn causes the migration of many palenqueros to larger cities in search of work. On the streets of Cartagena, palenquero men are engaged in construction projects while palenquera women wearing brightly colored dresses sell fresh fruit and traditional sweets made of nuts, tropical fruits and panela (unrefined sugar). In a video from Great Big Story, the palenquera Everlinda Salgado Herrera discusses the historical and cultural significance of a sweet called alegria (meaning happiness in Spanish), which represents the joy palenqueros felt when they found freedom.

Although palenqueros are becoming integrated into Colombian society, they were initially met with discrimination, sometimes leading to feelings of resentment and denial over their cultural and racial identity. In the 1980s and ‘90s, a young generation of palenqueros advocated for a resurgence of palenquero culture, hoping to promote an appreciation of their rich heritage. Strong cultural pride among palenqueros continues to this day.  Edwin Valdez Hernandez, a dance instructor at the Batata Dance and Music school in Palenque, states, "We defend our values with a shout. We are Black, and we are defending our culture."

Cultural Treasures of San Basilio de Palenque

Drummers in Palenque. Vest. CC2.0

Palenque is known worldwide for its unique language, music and culinary scene. One of Colombia’s 69 Indigenous languages, the palenquero language is only spoken in San Basilio de Palenque. Captives on European slave ships came from all parts of Africa speaking a variety of languages. As a colonizing strategy, people were purposely mixed together so they would not be able to communicate to plan an escape. Despite this, palenqueros created their own language, influenced by Castilian Spanish, Bantu, Portuguese and English. 

The cuisine of San Basilio de Palenque is a delight for the taste buds. Some dishes include seafood rice, mote (a traditional Caribbean cheese), and fish cooked in a creamy coconut sauce with pigeon peas, cassava and panela sugar. Palenquero cooking continues to reach international heights, most notably when the book “Cocina Palenquera Para el Mundo” won first prize at the 2014 Gourmand Cookbook Awards in Beijing. 

Music is an incredibly important part of palenque culture and throughout Colombia. Palenque music is joyful with sweeping rhythms and fast drum beats and is coupled with bright costumes and a seemingly endless stamina for dancing. Some of the many dance styles include chalusonga, paseo, champeta, entrompao and palenquero son. Travelers can learn about Palenque’s rich musical culture by attending the Drums and Cultural Expressions Festival held annually in October. 

The town of Palenque is also known for its interesting methods of running society. Instead of a police presence, Palenque is organized into systems called ma-kuagro, where people have designated roles and watch over each other. The crime rate in the town is nearly nonexistent due to this sense of community among Palenqueros. Interestingly, palenque women’s hairstyles also have historical significance. In colonial times, women would braid intricate patterns in their hair that were used to create maps, store gold and transmit messages to help people reach freedom. A statue of Palenque founder Benkos Bioho breaking out of chains stands in the town center. 

A place of redemption and perseverance, San Basilio de Palenque is a cornerstone of Black resistance in Latin America and a perfect destination for a socially conscious traveler. Confronting past historical truths and being willing to listen to others’ experiences helps shed light on modern social issues to hopefully make the world a brighter and better place. 

Megan Gürer

is a Turkish-American student at Wellesley College in Massachusetts studying Biological Sciences. Passionate about environmental issues and learning about other cultures, she dreams of exploring the globe. In her free time, she enjoys cooking, singing, and composing music.

India’s Marijuana Users Worry Amid Cannabis Crackdown

With many arguing it is high time to change marijuana laws, the government begins cracking down on cannabis. 

Lighting up in Kolkata. Timothy Neesam. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.

Every village in India is sure to have it. Everyone will know a friend or a friend of a friend who uses it, even if they don’t use it themselves. Whether a local rickshaw driver or a Bollywood starlet, every social class seems to enjoy its relaxing qualities. Some religious leaders even tout its effect on transcendental meditation. The police, however, are ramping up efforts to expunge it from India. The substance: marijuana. 

Despite occupying a prominent role in Indian society for centuries, the consumption of marijuana is highly stigmatized. The Narcotics Control Bureau (NCB) began cracking down on its use by targeting Bollywood stars caught in the act. Actress Rhea Chakraborty spent a whole month in jail after investigators discovered she had procured weed for her then boyfriend. Her private messages have endangered the careers of many other stars. Deepika Padukone is now under suspicion; he discussed “doob” over WhatsApp. 

A sign prohibiting marijuana use. henrikj. CC BY-NC 2.0.

The NCB has much on its plate if it wishes to flush the drugs out of Bollywood. A-list celebrity Ranvir Shorey said in an interview that drugs are part of Bollywood culture, not because denizens are depraved but because drugs, especially marijuana, are ingrained in Indian culture. He noted, “I think drug consumption in Bollywood is the same proportion as it is generally in society” and that the stigma against weed is a “colonial hangover” based on “laws that are hundreds of years old and have not changed.”

Even older than these laws are the many traditions of cannabis use. The earliest mention of it comes from the Hindu Vedas, which extol both its medicinal and spiritual properties. It describes the god Shiva puffing smoke to contemplate the mysteries of life and death. Following this example, religious ascetics eschew materialistic pleasures in pursuit of a meditative life, sometimes aided by marijuana. On the flip side, soldiers would often imbibe it to muster courage before battle, much the way European soldiers would swig whiskey. From antiquity onward, cannabis played a prominent and socially welcomed role in many aspects of life. 

Indeed, British imperialism helped to initiate the decades-old disdain for pot. When colonization first began in the 19th century, cannabis was often a farmer’s most profitable crop. Food was grown mainly for sustenance. To sell it, however, farmers were forced to navigate an expensive, labyrinthine process of taxes and licenses. Hoping to turn a profit, farmers smuggled cannabis instead. When imperial courts began prosecuting smugglers, cannabis acquired a criminal association. 

If social attitudes toward weed are a colonial hangover, India’s laws are a neocolonial imposition. In 1961, the United Nations’ Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs (SCND) classified marijuana as a “hard drug” in an effort to address drug abuse worldwide. The convention did not respect the innumerable traditions centered around marijuana or the purported evidence that its moderate use caused no harmful side effects. In India’s case, it did leave a loophole for bhang, a milky beverage infused with cannabis that is consumed at some Hindu holidays.

An authorized bhang shop. Tom Maisey. CC BY 2.0.

The Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances Act of 1985 fulfilled the stipulations India agreed to in the SCND. It spelled out the fines and prison sentences faced if one is caught using or selling pot. Coming at the height of the Western world’s war on drugs, it is viewed by some as an example of the rich world’s sensibilities determining the domestic laws of poorer nations. 

No law seems likely to stop marijuana’s consumption, though. According to one 2019 survey, 3% of Indians—31 million people—consumed a cannabis product in the past year. Bustling cities offer weed connoisseurs a wide array of dealers to choose from, and almost every rural village houses at least one seller, whether a seasoned dealer or an enterprising local, to provide a high. When police catch a smoker in the act, they can easily be bribed. 

Two sadhus, religious ascetics, smoking marijuana. kehworks. CC BY-NC 2.0.

Consumption habits will likely prove stronger than the moral questions about marijuana’s use. So long as India’s pot consumers include Bollywood stars and religious leaders, rural farmers and stressed-out office workers, the coalition is nearly impossible to beat. Mumbai and Delhi consume 70 tons of cannabis a year. The NCB simply cannot confiscate that much product, so its efforts may all go up in smoke. 

To read more about the controversy around the word “marijuana” check out our article here.

Michael McCarthy

is an undergraduate student at Haverford College, dodging the pandemic by taking a gap year. He writes in a variety of genres, and his time in high school debate renders political writing an inevitable fascination. Writing at Catalyst and the Bi-Co News, a student-run newspaper, provides an outlet for this passion. In the future, he intends to keep writing in mediums both informative and creative.

Throwing Tomatoes: Spain’s Festival of La Tomatina 

Sometimes organized chaos is just what a town needs to bring its residents together. Spain’s annual tomato-throwing festival of La Tomatina has certainly proven this true. 

Festivalgoers covered in tomatoes. dahon. CC BY-ND 2.0. 

Considered the world’s biggest food fight, Spain’s annual festival of La Tomatina draws countless residents and visitors to the streets. Held in the small town of Bunol near Valencia, Spain, the festival brings in over 20,000 people every year. The town, which is home to only 10,000 residents, doubles in size during La Tomatina.

The festival takes place on the last Wednesday of August, but has been canceled this year due to COVID-19 restrictions. 

Over the past several years, the festival’s appeal to visitors has skyrocketed. What was once an informal celebration now requires tickets to limit the guests to the small space available; the town plaza comfortably fits 9,000 people but well over 20,000 take part. 

The origin of the festival dates back to 1945, when it is told that a group of rambunctious boys started this cherished tradition. It is said that during a town festival, one of the boys fell down in the chaos of the parade. He then knocked over a vegetable cart, causing anger among the other observers. People began throwing the tomatoes at each other, and thus this tradition was born. 

The festival tickets can only be purchased if you are 18 years or older, but there is still a place for young feisty participants. Another festival called Tomatina Infantil, or Tomatina Kids, is held for children between the ages of 4 and 14. It takes place on the last Saturday of August, a few days after the main celebration. 

The festival itself is a brief event lasting only one to two hours. Shopkeepers prepare for the mess by using large plastic covers to protect their shops being painted red. Large trucks pull into the town center and volunteers toss tomatoes to participants eager to load for battle. The beginning of the festival is marked by a cannon shot at noon, and an hour or so later, a second cannon is shot to mark the end of the festival. Over 300,000 pounds of tomatoes are tossed around. Additionally, participants are given quite a few rules to prevent injury and severe pummeling. These rules include no bottles or hard objects, no tearing or tugging on your own or others’ clothing, requiring all tomatoes to be squashed before throwing, and participants needing to stop throwing tomatoes once the second cannon is shot. 

Once the fight has concluded, helpers hose down the painted buildings while participants wash each other. Meanwhile, other participants take a dip in the Bunol River to wash off. 

Although chaotic, La Tomatina is a testament to the power of happy accidents bonding a town and its many welcomed visitors.

Ella Nguyen

is an undergraduate student at Vassar College pursuing a degree in Hispanic Studies. She wants to assist in the field of immigration law and hopes to utilize Spanish in her future projects. In her free time she enjoys cooking, writing poetry, and learning about cosmetics.

Evo Morales Returns in Triumph to Bolivia, Ending a Year in Exile

One year after he stepped down amid a contested election, the popular left-wing leader is back. Will he be content with his supporters’ love, or will he seek power as well?

Evo Morales waving the Wiphala, a symbol for South America’s Indigenous people. Brasil de Fato. CC BY-NC-SA 2.0.

Exiled leaders rarely return so triumphantly. Evo Morales, president of Bolivia for 14 years before fleeing the country in November 2019, greeted a jubilant crowd when he crossed the border from Argentina and trekked to his home province of Chapare. Many expected a more forceful return, perhaps a march to the seat of government in La Paz. Rather, Morales traveled to where he started his political career at the precise moment when that career seems set to either end or begin again. 

If Morales plans to kick-start a new phase in his political career, he reenters in a much better position than when he started. Born to a poor family in the Orinoca region in 1959, his family moved with countless other families from the highland altiplanos to work on lowland coca farms, which provided poor Bolivians the best shot at a livable wage. The young Evo became a union leader, fiercely advocating for the rights of farmers when the United States’ war on drugs demanded the Bolivian government slash its supply of coca, its most profitable crop. In Bolivia, people chew on it or brew tea, but one ton of leaves can be refined into two pounds of cocaine base paste. 

A farmer pruning coca. Erik Cleves Kristensen. CC BY 2.0.

Morales’ experiences there fostered a brand of politics staunchly devoted to the poor and Indigenous communities through the institution of socialism. He joined and soon transformed the Movement for Socialism party (MAS) and became a one-term congressman. After leading violent street altercations that forced two presidents to resign, his ambitions expanded to the national realm. In 2006, the Bolivian people voted him in as president, beginning a 14-year-long tenure which would prove revolutionary.

For one, he was the first Indigenous president since the country’s independence in 1825. In a nation that is 42% Indigenous, this seems strange, but centuries of colonization and racism led to a society of haves and have-nots. An ethnic Aymara, Morales expanded MAS’s appeal to all Indigenous people, chafing many Whites and Mestizos who supported MAS in far fewer numbers. Some Indigenous communities found Morales’ embrace of Indigenous peoples hollow; he allowed drilling in forest reserves and expanded the amount of land settlers could clear. 

Man without a plan. Alain Bachellier. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0. 

Most of all, however, he presided over what many view as an economic miracle. Morales’ government reduced by two-thirds the amount of people living on less than $1.90 a day, the World Bank’s definition of extreme poverty. The high price of petroleum, another of Bolivia’s largest exports, allowed his administration to invest heavily in innovation and modernization. The widespread prosperity led many to ignore Morales’ authoritarian streak. He would often jail critics and journalists while piling lawsuits on his political rivals.

But when Morales ran for a fourth term against constitutional term limits, opponents found it unforgivable. A pause in vote-counting led many to believe he planned to rig the election, so thousands stormed the streets to protest the election results. Clashes broke out between pro- and anti-Morales protesters; 36 people died amid the violence. Once the military “recommended” Morales step down, he boarded a plane to Mexico and left Bolivia in the hands of little-known senator Jeanine Anez. 

She was a right-wing politician with exactly the opposite views of Morales. Where he proudly represented Indigenous peoples, Anez called them “savages.” (In his triumphant return, Morales sarcastically quipped, “The Bolivian right and the global right should know: the savages are back in government.”) Anez presided over an economic slump due to political unrest and COVID-19. She governed for 11 months before the electorate put in office Morales’ own protege Luis Arce.

Morales’ protege Luis Arce. Casa de América. CC By-NC-ND 2.0.

A bland, uncharismatic technocrat, Arce won broad appeal precisely because he was Morales’ choice. He engineered the economy during Morales’ presidency, so he can take credit for much of Bolivia’s prosperity. His support from the former president may prove both a blessing and a curse, however. He will struggle to distance himself from a controversial figure who still holds strong sway over MAS. His primary responsibility will be to maintain distance from Morales to the greatest extent possible.

For the time being, however, Morales will enjoy his warm welcome home. Crowds gleefully waved the Wiphala, a colorful checkered flag representing Indigenous peoples. Supporters dressed in their finest, most colorful Indigenous attire to celebrate his homecoming. Luis Arce neither met him in Chapare nor sent him a word of greeting. So far they hold no communication. For the sake of Bolivia’s democracy, many hope it will stay that way. 

Michael McCarthy

Michael is an undergraduate student at Haverford College, dodging the pandemic by taking a gap year. He writes in a variety of genres, and his time in high school debate renders political writing an inevitable fascination. Writing at Catalyst and the Bi-Co News, a student-run newspaper, provides an outlet for this passion. In the future, he intends to keep writing in mediums both informative and creative.

Cutting Ties: Saudi Arabia Announces Reforms for Migrant Workers

Saudi Arabia has begun lifting up its struggling migrant workers with its most recent initiative. However, what this decision truly means in terms of effective change remains uncertain. 

Saudi women. Mohd Azli Abdul Malek.CC By-NC-SA 2.0.

Saudi Arabia recently kick-started the “Labor Relation Initiative” that will eliminate policies tightly binding migrant workers to their sponsors. It is expected that the changes will begin in March 2021, potentially impacting up to one-third of the nation’s population. This initiative may be the beginning of the end of the notorious “kafala” system that has been under international scrutiny since its conception in the 1950s. 

The kafala sponsorship system, which is currently practiced in most Persian Gulf states, began about 70 years ago to create a beneficial flow in the migrant labor force. Workers are assigned a sponsor, or “kafeel,” for their decided contract period. The sponsor may be a single person or a company. The sponsor has complete control over the worker’s ability to change jobs or enter and exit the country; written permission must be granted for any changes. Thus, the worker must report all related activity to the sponsor, and failure to do so will result in criminal punishment. The sponsor must then report all activity to the immigration authorities, and fund the worker’s entry and exit. 

Essentially, the kafeel is the migrant’s legal tie to the country, leaving the worker no choice but to acquiesce. The kafala system has allowed kafeels to exercise excessive control over their workers, such as taking their travel documents; this is illegal, though, in some of the countries that practice the system. The kafala system has faced much criticism with claims that it is a gateway to modern slavery; there have been many reports of forced work and sexual abuse. However, it appears that the intense exploitation of workers over the years may potentially begin to close with Saudi Arabia’s new Labor Relation Initiative. 

The initiative now allows workers to move their sponsorship to other jobs and to cross the border without permission of their kafeel. The policy is only one aspect of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s “Vision 2030,” in which he aims to increase international economic activity. Many are hopeful that this initiative will bring about substantial change for not only the current 10 million impacted workers, but also future generations who would benefit from the complete abolishment of the kafala system. 

Others are wary of holding out hope, stating that ties to a sponsor would need to be completely cut in order for change to be sustained. At the moment, this limited reform has not clarified whether all migrant workers are shielded, nor whether sponsors can still report their workers for running away. Concerns over this unanswered portion of the policy bring much fear; a worker whose travel documents have been invalidated by their sponsor faces immediate deportation. 

Maybe this initiative will end the process for good, or perhaps it is merely a camouflaged political scheme. Regardless, much hope remains that the injustices of the kafala system will be reduced. 

Ella Nguyen

is an undergraduate student at Vassar College pursuing a degree in Hispanic Studies. She wants to assist in the field of immigration law and hopes to utilize Spanish in her future projects. In her free time she enjoys cooking, writing poetry, and learning about cosmetics.

Geopolitical Tensions Hinder Climate Science in the Himalayas

The Himalayas remain one of the most susceptible regions in the world to climate change.

A lake in the Himalayas. Kishor. CC2.0

In order to address the imminent threat of climate change in the Himalayan region, environmental ministers from eight countries had hoped to meet in Nepal’s capital of Kathmandu in April. Organized by the International Center for Integrated Mountain Development (ICIMOD), it had taken over two years of convincing environmental leaders to work together as geopolitical tensions in the region continued to rise. An assessment conducted by ICIMOD reveals that the Himalayas are predicted to lose more than one-third of their ice caps by the end of the century, underscoring the importance of international collaboration on this issue. The event ended up being canceled, though, due to the rise of the COVID-19 pandemic. 

Passing through Afghanistan, Bhutan, China, India, Nepal and Pakistan, the Himalayas act as a barrier between countries. Home to four of the world’s 36 biodiversity hotspots and more than 35,000 plant and 200 animal species, the Himalayan region is one of the most biodiverse in the world. The Himalayas also contain the world’s third-largest ice deposits (after Antarctica and the Arctic) with over 15,000 glaciers scattered throughout the region. These glaciers, known as the “water towers of Asia,”  are the starting points for many of Asia’s largest rivers, such as the Indus, Ganges, Yangtze and Mekong, and help sustain over 2 billion people. 

Overflowing glacial lakes pose severe risks for mountain communities, as rising water levels from melted ice caps result in floods of water, ice and rocks down mountainsides, washing away homes, infrastructure and crops. Lake Imja in particular, a high-altitude lake near Mount Everest in Nepal, poses a threat to Sherpa communities living in the mountain valleys. 

A red panda, one of many species endemic to the Himalayan region. Ducker. CC2.0

From a geopolitical standpoint, the Himalayas have served as a political and cultural buffer between India and China since ancient times, which resulted in little interaction between their cultures and governments. As the Himalayas were considered impassable for much of history, the delineation of international borders was not given much importance until recently. Currently, however, nearly all of their 2,500-mile border is disputed. One of the most contested regions is Ladakh in northern India, where the most violent clashes in the last 45 years have recently occurred between India and China. Another region is the Mahakali river basin in northwestern Nepal, which acts as a meeting point between Nepal, India and China. The Himalayan region is also one of the most heavily militarized in the world. 

Dhankar village in India’s Spiti Valley. The Adventurous b3n. CC2.0

Despite the urgency of current climate science research and political action, scientific progress in the region continues to suffer. When the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) released its fourth assessment report in 2007, the entire Himalayan region was listed as a “black hole” for data. Although governments tried to address the problem, there still has not been much action, with similar concerns in the IPCC’s fifth assessment report published in 2014. One of the major difficulties is weak data-sharing between countries, which is fraught with secrecy. Although scientists advocate for open data-sharing between countries, many governments disregard their requests for national security reasons. “To be frank, scientific culture doesn’t have deep roots in this region,” says Dipak Gyawali, Nepal’s former water resources minister. “Countries think somebody else will use the science that they are doing. That is wrong. Science ultimately benefits others beyond borders.”

Climate change remains one of the most existential threats to humanity. Working together to address transnational environmental issues in the Himalayas will not only protect its fragile ecosystems but will also foster diplomacy and peace between nations in a politically volatile part of the world. 

Megan Gürer

is a Turkish-American student at Wellesley College in Massachusetts studying Biological Sciences. Passionate about environmental issues and learning about other cultures, she dreams of exploring the globe. In her free time, she enjoys cooking, singing, and composing music.

Denmark Reckons with the #MeToo Movement 

Years after the #MeToo movement first began, Danish women are demanding gender equality in the workplace. After allegations of sexual harassment across multiple industries, leaders are committing to change. 

Nyhavn Canal in Copenhagen, Denmark. D Rishi. CC BY 2.0. 

On paper, Denmark has some of the highest markers of gender equality in the world. Around 40% of Danish parliament representatives are women, and the country’s first female prime minister, Helle Thorning-Schmidt, was appointed in 2011. Parental leave is split equally between Danish men and women, and Danish men often spend as much time caring for the home as Danish women. The World Economic Forum’s Global Gender Gap Report ranked Denmark as 14th globally, which means that Denmark’s gender divide is statistically very small. 

Despite Denmark’s pride in gender equality, Danish women are speaking out against the misogyny and sexual harassment that permeates Danish work culture. At a comedy awards show in August, entertainment personality and host Sofie Linde broke the silence on sexism in the Danish entertainment industry in a bombshell speech. Following her speech, over 1,600 women signed a letter in support of complaints about sexual harassment in the media industry. 

This public acknowledgment of sexual misconduct has emboldened more women to speak out. Over 600 doctors and medical students have signed a petition to end gender-based harassment in hospitals, universities and laboratories. In the political sphere, over 300 female politicians have called for reform, using 79 anonymous testimonies to illustrate the overt sexism that plagues the Danish government. Camilla Soee, one of the politicians  spearheading this movement, told the BBC: "Once and for all, we wanted to prove that sexism and sexual harassment is part of the political environment."

Former mayor of Copenhagen Frank Jensen. Jenny Andersson. CC BY 3.0. 

As these women confront the men who have both enabled and engaged in widespread sexism in the workplace, many powerful men have been pressured to step down from their positions following allegations of misconduct. The mayor of Copenhagen, Frank Jensen, resigned from office on Oct. 19, 2020, after multiple women came forward with allegations of sexual harassment. In a statement to The Copenhagen Post, Jensen said, “I want to be a positive part of the culture change process that has been launched with the second wave of MeToo. I want to go from being a part of the problem to being a part of the solution.”

The Danish pride in gender equality has led to mixed receptions of this movement. Because of the Danish perception that Denmark is gender inclusive and equitable, many Danes believe that feminism is an unnecessary movement. In a poll conducted by the YouGov-Cambridge Globalism Project, only one in six Danes reported themselves as a feminist. The same poll found that two in five Danes believed that the #MeToo movement was unnecessary. As #MeToo finds new footing in Denmark, perhaps attitudes toward Danish feminism will evolve. The women leading this movement are determined to make a lasting impact in the fight for women’s rights.

Sarah Leidich

is currently an English and Film major at Barnard College of Columbia University. Sarah is inspired by global art in every form, and hopes to explore the intersection of activism, art, and storytelling through her writing. 

Indonesian Muslims Protest French President 

Thousands of people gathered at Indonesia’s French Embassy to protest French President Emmanuel Macron. Macron has a history of anti-Muslim rhetoric and recently defended the publication of caricatures depicting the Prophet Muhammad. 

On Nov. 2, thousands of people gathered outside the French Embassy in Jakarta, Indonesia, to protest French President Emmanuel Macron. 

Macron defended the publication of cartoons that depict the Prophet Muhammad, which many have deemed inflammatory. The cartoons were originally published in the Charlie Hebdo magazine in 2015. They were republished in September to mark the opening of the trial for the 2015 attacks against the magazine’s staff, which were partially motivated by the publication of the cartoons. 

Last month, the cartoons were a topic of discussion in a Paris classroom during a lecture on freedom of expression. After the lecture, on Oct. 16, the teacher who led the class was beheaded by a student enraged by the cartoon being shown in class. In a separate incident on Oct. 29, three people were stabbed to death in the seaside town of Nice by a Tunisian man yelling “Allahu Akbar,” a commonly used phrase meaning “God is greatest.” Though it has an innocuous meaning and is used in a number of day-to-day situations, the phrase has been tarnished by an association with terrorist acts, such as the 2015 Charlie Hebdo attack.   

These recent incidents have reinvigorated anti-Muslim sentiment in France, and Macron has been criticized for his comments. Macron told the news site Al-Jazeera that he understands people’s concern over the cartoons, but said that he “will always defend in my country the freedom to speak, to write, to think, to draw.” He maintained his stance that the cartoons were protected under freedom of expression after the beheading of the teacher in October, and has been accused by some of spreading anti-Muslim sentiment in his statements. 

Macron has received criticism for his anti-Muslim rhetoric in the past. On Oct. 2, he called Islam a religion “in crisis” around the world and introduced a plan to push what he termed “Islamist radicalism” out of French education and the public sector. In the same speech, he announced the government’s intention to present a bill strengthening a 1905 law officially separating the church and state in France. 

In Indonesia, the French Embassy was heavily guarded and protected by barbed wire, but over 2,000 people stood outside chanting and holding signs. Protesters displayed banners that read “Macron is the real terrorist,” “Go to hell Macron,” and “Macron is devil” and called for a boycott of French goods. Some protesters stomped on Louis Vuitton bags to demonstrate their rejection of French products. Speakers at the protest demanded that Macron apologize and take back his anti-Muslim comments. They also called for the immediate removal of the French ambassador. 

On Oct. 31, Indonesian President Joko Widodo condemned the terrorist attacks in Paris and Nice while also speaking out against Macron’s defense of the cartoons. Widodo argued that freedom of expression that tarnishes the honor of religious symbols could not be justified and said that “linking religion with terrorist acts is a big mistake.” Muslims in France have repeatedly denounced the terrorist acts. 

Rachel Lynch

is a student at Sarah Lawrence College in Bronxville, NY currently taking a semester off. She plans to study Writing and Child Development. Rachel loves to travel and is inspired by the places she’s been and everywhere she wants to go. She hopes to educate people on social justice issues and the history and culture of travel destinations through her writing.