Zimbabwean Teens Kick Away Child Marriage with Taekwondo

One town in Zimbabwe has learned to bear the weight of history by “kicking” child marriage customs away. 

Zimbabwean woman. ScotchBroom. CC BY-NC 2.0. 

In the small settlement of Epworth southeast of Harare, Zimbabwe’s capital, is a growing community of taekwondo enthusiasts. One member, 17-year-old Natsiraishe Maritsa, has taken it upon herself to organize taekwondo classes for the girls of her community. The participants of her classes are underage girls, some as young as 10, who have been subjected to the harrowing practice of child marriage that plagues Zimbabwe. 

The Statistics

Child marriage is a tradition practiced all around Zimbabwe, but it runs particularly rampant in rural areas. The Zimbabwean countryside was found to have a child marriage rate of about 40% compared to the urban areas that show a rate of 19%. 

In Zimbabwe, 34% of girls are married off before the age of 18, while another 5% are married before the age of 15. The issue of child marriage, although an occurence involving mostly underage women, affects more than just women. About 2% of boys are forced into the practice before the age of 18. 

Complications of Elimination

The task of eliminating child marriage has proven to be especially difficult due to the many conditions and societal beliefs that worsen girls’ ability to escape the practice. There are four main reasons that girls are easily trapped in the tradition: 

First, gender inequality ranks women as inferior to men, thereby allowing the men of the family to force the women into submission. 

Second, and a particularly large piece of the problem, is poverty. The practice of child marriage is often used as an economic tool; the price for a bride is used to cover household expenses. Because marrying off daughters of the family can be the decision between life and death, the pressure to commit these practices is often insurmountable. With poverty increasing due to COVID-19, this problem has become particularly difficult. 

Third, the need to avoid shame causes many families to marry off their daughters. In Zimbabwe, the act of a daughter committing premarital sex is seen as shameful to the family, so it is resolved by forcing the daughter to marry her boyfriend. The girls will submit to these demands, especially if they became pregnant, in order to avoid abuse by their family members. 

Fourth, a lack of education pushes girls into the trap of child marriage. Many poorer households are unable to pay for their daughters to attend school, which increases the risk that they will be forced into a marriage. 

It is an oppressive cycle. Studies find that poverty causes child marriage, and in return, child marriage feeds into poverty. 

Seventeen-year-old Maritsa has chosen to use taekwondo education to empower the girls of her community, hoping they can use their newfound confidence and skills to reshape their futures. She holds classes in a small dirt yard in front of her house, while her parents use their small income to supply some food for the attendees. 

Maritsa’s class has proven to be empowering, with each class used as a safe space for girls to talk about the physical, mental and emotional abuse they endure from their husbands. 

She has proven that although oppressive practices are formidable opponents, the power of education and community can undo even the most controlling traditions. 

To Get Involved

Nonprofit organization FORWARD is led by African women seeking to end violence and the oppression of women in Africa, including child marriage. To read more about how to lend a hand, click here. 

Global partnership Girls Not Brides has combined the efforts of over 300 organizations dedicated to empowering women on nearly every continent. To see how you can support bills and other legislation they are pushing, click here. 

Ella Nguyen

Ella is an undergraduate student at Vassar College pursuing a degree in Hispanic Studies. She wants to assist in the field of immigration law and hopes to utilize Spanish in her future projects. In her free time she enjoys cooking, writing poetry, and learning about cosmetics.

10 Nigerian Artists Redefining Africa’s Music Scene

From influencing the #EndSARS protests to confronting the commodification of African culture, these artists have unique approaches to their art.

DaVido performing. Wikimedia user Rasheedrasheed. CC BY-SA 4.0.

Nigerian musicians have been spreading their influence all over the world for the past few decades. Following in the footsteps of Fela Kuti, contemporary artists experiment with a plethora of genres, fine-tuning their style as they progress. Renowned artists such as Burna Boy, DaVido and Cruel Santino are the driving forces of the Afrobeats movement, which combines African subgenres, American hip-hop, and R&B. Here are 10 influential Nigerian musicians to listen to.

1. Tony Allen

Tony Allen. Pierre Priot. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.

Tony Allen is the father of the Afrobeat genre. Allen passed away in April 2020 after releasing his final album, “Rejoice,” in collaboration with the late South African jazz artist, Hugh Masekela. Allen’s polyrhythmic drumming complements Masekela’s trumpet in this riveting jazz album. From his earlier days of performing with Fela Kuti to his more recent collaborations with Skepta and Oumou Sangare, Allen has pioneered the combination of American jazz with African beats. After a career which explored a multitude of scenes in the music world, Allen falls back into his Afrobeat roots in his very last album.


2. Naira Marley

Rapper Naira Marley is a contentious figure in Nigeria. Marley is known as a founder of the genre Afro-bashment, a combination of Caribbean influences, American trap rap, West African beats and British rap. Naira Marley is known for his controversial beliefs and ideas; in “Am I a Yahoo Boy,” he offers an unabashed critique of the Nigerian government, higher education and social conservatism. His single “Koleyewon,” which was released in December 2020, is a fast-paced trap song in Yoruba. 

3. DaVido

DaVido performing. Wikimedia user Rasheedrasheed. CC BY-SA 4.0.

American-born musician DaVido is a world-renowned Afrobeats artist who synthesizes elements of R&B, rap and Afropop to build up his discography. His heavily auto-tuned vocals and his simple audio production make up his signature sound. DaVido’s most recent album, “A Better Time,” featured Nicki Minaj, Chris Brown and Lil Baby. Despite its famous featured artists, the album’s first track, “FEM,” received the most attention globally. “FEM,” which means “shut up” in Nigerian slang, was labeled the anthem of the #EndSARS protests in Nigeria, which called for the dissolution of the Special Anti-Robbery Squad. Although the artist himself didn’t intend to express a politically charged message, he was nonetheless impassioned by his country’s fight against police brutality.  

4. Cruel Santino

Up-and-coming musician Cruel Santino came to the world stage in 2019 with his debut album “Mandy & The Jungle.” Although he is one of the younger artists of the Nigerian music renaissance, Cruel Santino offers an impressive range of styles in his first album. The mellow, laid-back beat of “Sparky” contrasts with the country twang of “Diamonds / Where You Been.” His new single “End of The Wicked” showcases his maturation as a musician and an artist: the solemn piano is redeemed by a syncopated jungle beat, which accompanies his verbose rap. 

5. Odunsi (The Engine)

Odunsi (The Engine) is a master of his craft. His discography is all-encompassing: church choirs and spoken word start off his 2018 album “Rare”; an orchestra plays over his verse in his greatest hit “Tipsy”; a vaporwave synth paints “Luv In a Mosh” blue. Odunsi (The Engine)’s album covers visually harmonize with his music. The ethereal blue moon in “Everything You Heard Is True,” which was released in May 2020, mirrors Odunsi’s experimentation with atonal melodies and distortions. On top of this hypnotic album, the musician released two singles in 2020: “Decided” and “Fuji 5000.” Both are dramatically different from each other; the only constant is Odunsi’s effortless flow.

 6. Simi

Simi at NdaniTV. NdaniTV. CC BY 3.0.

Simi’s distinctly sweet voice is the honey that binds her music together. Less is more in her 2017 album “Simisola,” where her vocals and the acoustic guitar are the only elements that matter. The Nigerian singer started off as a gospel singer in 2008, but transformed her career in 2014 after the success of her singles “Tiff” and “E No Go Funny.” Simi released “Restless II” in 2020, which is a change of pace from her slow crooning. In an interview with OkayAfrica, the singer admits that, “This project is a risk as well, it’s even more of a risk because it’s R&B and Nigeria is not necessarily the biggest R&B market.” As Simi continues to dabble in hip-hop, she  comes out with more powerful hits like “No Longer Beneficial” and “There for You.” 

7. Niniola

Niniola. Wikimedia user Naijareview. CC BY-SA 4.0.

Often regarded as the “Queen of Afro-House,” Niniola is a global star who fights to find her footing as an empowered Yoruba woman. Niniola rose to fame from her 2017 hit “Maradona,” a seemingly light pop tune which dealt with the traumas of her upbringing. As a girl growing up in a polygamous household, Niniola experienced the double standards of a patriarchal family. Reckoning with her womanhood, Niniola recounts the experiences of a woman who is cheated on by her husband, woes which are usually kept secret. With an album and a couple of huge hits under her belt, Niniola comes back strong with her new album “Colours and Sounds,” which includes a refreshing take on reggae, pop and dancehall. 

https://youtu.be/lRpBLAwIbeA 



8. Burna Boy

Burna Boy’s album “Twice as Tall” covers a variety of topics, from how the artist grapples with the reality of colonialism to the frenzy of a night out. Burna Boy is a household name in the music industry, and this album attests to the singer’s mastery over songwriting and producing. In his song “Monsters You Made,” Burna Boy addresses Western imperialism and how its consequences are still felt today. His song “Alarm Clock” begins with voice recordings, opera and a saxophone, and quickly switches to an upbeat rap song.

9. Deto Black

Model and rapper Deto Black refuses to be labeled as an Afrobeats musician. The feminism and sex positivity of her music is obvious and brought to the forefront of her message as an “alté,” or alternative, artist. As a Lagos-based rapper who lived in the U.K. and the U.S. growing up, Deto Black navigates the different worlds by calling for gender equality in Nigeria.  






10. Zlatan Ibile

Zlatan is a new Nigerian singer and dancer who found fame through his viral song “Zanku” (Legwork), which was accompanied by a famous dance. Since 2019, the singer has released three albums, started a record label, and released the successful single “Lagos Anthem.” “Lagos Anthem” is an energetic dance song with darker lyrics criticizing the government for its flawed policies. 


These Nigerian musicians are beginning to impact American and British pop music. Although each of these individuals comes from a different discipline and background, they all have a commitment to experimenting in their craft. Some thrive in and renovate the Afrobeats movement, while others resist the umbrella term. The common ground between alté musician Deto Black’s tackling of gender inequality and DaVido’s propelling of the #EndSARS revolution is their commitment to the well-being of Nigeria. 

Heather Lim

Heather recently earned her B.A. in Literatures in English from University of California, San Diego. She was editor of the Arts and Culture section of The Triton, a student-run newspaper. She plans on working in art criticism, which combines her love of visual art with her passion for journalism.

Nigeria’s Stolen Schoolboys Reach Freedom

Young people in Nigeria begin their days with walks to school. For boys returning to the Government Science Secondary School in Kankara, these walks will mean something entirely different.

Stibej. CC BY-SA 4.0

In the northwestern Nigerian state of Katsina, the militant group Boko Haram is thought to be responsible for stealing young men. On Dec. 11, unidentified men with guns invaded the Government Science Secondary School in the city of Kankara on motorbikes to kidnap the schoolboys. The gunmen proceeded to march the boys into the Rugu forest of Nigeria, potentially to use them as child soldiers if not freed. The governor, Aminu Bello Masari, says a total of 344 boys held in the forest have now  been liberated in the neighboring Zamfara state. In describing what they went through, the boys said they walked through large stretches of forest, stopping during the daytime and walking all night without shoes on stony ground littered with painful brush. There was no clarification on how or why they were freed, or if all the boys stolen were let go. As Boko Haram has executed similar kidnappings in the past, many think the Islamist militant group is behind the event. 

Map of Nigeria with the city of Kankara highlighted. Google Maps.  

 On Dec. 18, the schoolboys were finally returned home. The governor of Katsina state and Nigeria's president greeted them as they were brought back to their homes by military personnel. “I think we have recovered most of the boys,” Masari said in a televised interview with state channel NTA. The boys that were found have since been medically examined and returned to their families. It is important to note that the search is still ongoing as of Dec. 21. 

A typical street scene in Katsina state. Adebola Falade. CC BY-SA 4.0

Reports as to who is responsible for the kidnappings are unclear as unverified sources have attributed it to a resurgence of Boko Haram, the extremist group which has kidnapped in the past. In 2014, it executed the kidnapping of more than 270 schoolgirls in the northeastern town of Chibok, and nearly 100 of those girls are still missing. Now, residents of northern Nigeria believe the group is back. 

For the families of the boys, their return comes as a celebration. In a quote given to Reuters, retired health worker Shuaibu Kankara, whose 13-year-old son Annas Shuaibu was among the kidnapped boys, said, “I am so happy. We are so grateful to the governor of Katsina and all those who worked hard to secure their release.” The quick and seemingly uncomplicated return of the boys comes as a great shock but an even greater relief. 

As mentioned, many suspect that Boko Haram is responsible for the attack. The extremist Islamic rebels have taken responsibility for the abduction, claiming they attacked the school as a punishment for its Western teachings. For now, the investigation is ongoing, but the swift release of the boys sends a hopeful message that the Nigerian government is able to handle attacks quickly and effectively. Although there is fear that Boko Haram will act again, a precedent has been set by the efficient handling of this mass kidnapping. 

Renee Richardson

Renee is currently an English student at The University of Georgia. She lives in Ellijay, Georgia, a small mountain town in the middle of Appalachia. A passionate writer, she is inspired often by her hikes along the Appalachian trail and her efforts to fight for equality across all spectrums. She hopes to further her passion as a writer into a flourishing career that positively impacts others.

Rising Tensions in Ethiopia’s Tigray Region Pose Dangers for Millions

The East African country has recently been overrun by natural disasters, COVID-19 and internal violence.

A refugee camp in Ethiopia. Oberhaus. CC2.0

Rising tensions in northern Ethiopia’s Tigray region pose a severe threat for the East African country and for stability across the Horn of Africa. Most urgently, the fighting places millions of people in danger and in dire need of humanitarian assistance.  

Map of Ethiopia’s regions, with Tigray in the far north. Jfblanc. CC4.0

An Overview of the Conflict in Tigray

Ethiopia, the largest and most populous country in the Horn of Africa region, is home to many different religions, languages and ethnic groups. The recent fighting is taking place in Tigray, Ethiopia’s northernmost region along the border with Eritrea. The conflict is between Ethiopia’s central government led by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). The TPLF came to power in 1991 and established a coalition where Ethiopia was divided into 10 distinct regions that each had political autonomy, allowing the TPLF to become a key player in Ethiopian politics. The TPLF remained in power for 27 years until rising concerns of political corruption and human rights abuses resulted in nationwide protests. As a result, Abiy Ahmed was elected the prime minister of Ethiopia in 2018 and began to reduce the TPLF’s power. While Ahmed advocates for a strong federal government that unites all Ethiopians regardless of ethnicity, the TPLF wants more political autonomy and sees Ahmed’s central government as a hindrance to the TPLF’s political agenda. 

The current dispute began when the TPLF wanted to hold a regional election in September. Prime Minister Ahmed denied the request, since all national elections in Ethiopia were canceled due to COVID-19. Fighting began on Nov. 4 when Tigrayan forces were accused of attacking a military base belonging to Ahmed’s government. The violence in the region continues to escalate. 

Abiy Ahmed is widely recognized for brokering peace and ending a military conflict with neighboring Eritrea, an effort that resulted in Ahmed receiving the Nobel Peace Prize in 2019. However the current escalating violence is causing the international community to raise its eyebrows. According to Kjetil Tronvoll, a scholar of Ethiopian politics at Bjorknes University College in Norway, “The Nobel Peace Prize has until recently shielded Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed from international scrutiny and criticism. However, the warfare on Tigray has opened the eyes of many diplomats to the way political power is wielded in Ethiopia.”

Rwandan President Paul Kagame (left) and Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed (right). Kagame. CC2.0

What is Happening Now? 

On Nov. 28, the Ethiopian army gained control of the Tigrayan regional capital of Mekelle, with Prime Minister Ahmed declaring victory shortly thereafter. However, Tigrayan forces have yet to surrender. Since the conflict began, telephone, internet and road access to the Tigray region has been suspended, making it difficult to know what is happening on the ground. Shortly after Ahmed declared victory, rockets were fired at the Eritrean capital of Asmara, where according to the U.S. embassy, “Six explosions occurred in the city at about 10:13 p.m.” The Ethiopian government has declared a six-month-long state of emergency in the Tigray region. There is concern that the conflict could exacerbate ethnic division in other parts of Ethiopia, or even spread to neighboring countries such as Eritrea, Sudan and Somalia. With the conflict having no end in sight, it is unclear to predict whether current military efforts are enough to end the fighting.

Refugee children in Ethiopia. United Nations Photo. CC2.0

Impact on Internally Displaced People and Refugees

Before the recent fighting broke out in Tigray, the region was already home to over 200,000 refugees, the majority coming from Eritrea. The current fighting is estimated to affect over 2 million people, with larger estimates of up to 9 million. As many as 43,000 have already fled to neighboring countries, with Sudan preparing to accept as many as 200,000 refugees. Thousands of people are internally displaced in Shire, near the border with Eritrea. Aid groups are urging the Ethiopian government to allow access to roads crucial to the Tigray region. This year has been especially difficult in Ethiopia, as a devastating locust outbreak, floods and the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic have ravaged the country. According to the International Rescue Committee, the most important thing that can be done by forces is to adhere to international law, ensure that schools, hospitals and homes are not targets, and allow humanitarian aid to get to where it is needed. 

To Get Involved:

Check out the International Rescue Committee, a global aid and development organization providing crucial humanitarian assistance to communities in Tigray, here. 


Click here to access the website of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), which is working to establish a new shelter site for Tigrayan refugees in Sudan.

Megan Gürer

Megan is a Turkish-American student at Wellesley College in Massachusetts studying Biological Sciences. Passionate about environmental issues and learning about other cultures, she dreams of exploring the globe. In her free time, she enjoys cooking, singing, and composing music.

No Peace for the People: Ethiopia’s Ethnic Groups Targeted

While citizens and officials alike fear a potential civil war in Ethiopia’s Tigray region, the country’s ethnic groups have become targets of violence. Many fear that the current struggles deepen existing ethnic divides. 

Women of the Tigray region in Ethiopia. Rod Waddington. CC BY-SA 2.0. 

Over the past several weeks, the Tigray region of northern Ethiopia has exploded into violence. The current conflict comes after years of mounting tensions between the elected government of the Tigray region and the federal government. The postponement of the September election sparked the most recent series of violent acts; existing ethnic tensions have now transformed into the slaughtering of local ethnic groups, forcing many to flee for safety in Sudan. 

A Rising Civil War 

The tensions in Ethiopia trace back along a labyrinthine history of political unrest, with the primary combatants being the proponents of the federal government and the officials in the Tigray region. Fighting escalated when Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed accused the Tigray region of attacking a federal military base and responded by sending an attack on the region. However, underlying issues began back in 2018 when Ahmed was first elected. 

For decades, Ethiopia’s main political party was the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front, which began around 1991 when the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) aided the overthrow of the previously Marxist government. Up until 2018, the party had controlled both the political and economic components of the country. With Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s election, the TPLF’s power within the party it founded began to quickly disappear. Ahmed removed and attempted to convict many officials through potentially corrupt means, many of whom escaped to the Tigray region. He also attempted to combine parties that followed ethnic lines, which deepened divides among the groups. 

In response to the prime minister’s recent postponement of the election, the unofficial leaders of the Tigray region made a decision no one in the country had done before: they held their own election. Tigray threatened secession, which is upheld in the nation’s constitution. The federal government, though, responded by withdrawing aid from Tigray and sending in troops. 

Ethnic Targeting

Now that the violence has furthered into increasing physical confrontation, many ethnic groups in Ethiopia feel under attack. Recent killings have left ethnic Tigrayans and ethnic Amharas slaughtered in the streets. Calls for peace talks between the two groups have been rejected, and now nearly 15,000 people have fled for safety. 

There are major criticisms on both sides, with calls for the TPLF’s unconditional surrender coming from the federal government. Meanwhile, the regional government of Tigray has been accused of igniting fear that is believed to have fed into the violent slaughtering of ethnic Amharas. 

Officials fear that these killings could turn into an ethnic cleansing and genocide. Tigrayan locals are dealing with the bulk of the chaos; many are being taken in for questioning and are too fearful to contact family members outside of the region. 

Experts warn that Ethiopia’s history of ethnic conflict will likely repeat itself as the nation spirals into political disarray. Only the potential for peace now holds the nation together as its ethnic groups continue to clash. 

Ella Nguyen

Ella is an undergraduate student at Vassar College pursuing a degree in Hispanic Studies. She wants to assist in the field of immigration law and hopes to utilize Spanish in her future projects. In her free time she enjoys cooking, writing poetry, and learning about cosmetics.

Algeria’s Relationship with the Media Grows Tense Amid Political Woes

On Aug. 10, Algerian officials sentenced journalist Khaled Drareni to three years in prison for reporting on the 2019 Hirak protests. Calling for the removal of Algerian President Abdelaziz Bouteflika, the Hirak pro-democracy protests were some of the largest anti-government demonstrations since the Algerian civil war in the 1990s. While the protests were successful in removing Bouteflika from power, Algerian activists are unsatisfied with the corruption that still drives the Algerian government. Drareni’s sentencing has amplified the divide between independent publications and state-run media, drawing attention to the censorship that Algerian journalists face.

Hirak protests in Algiers. Becker. CC BY 2.0.

From 1991 to 2002, Algeria was engaged in a civil war between the government and Islamist political groups. Throughout this unrest, journalists in Algeria explored the many human rights abuses present in the country. As the war began to resolve in 1999, Abdelaziz Bouteflika was elected president of Algeria. With his 2005 Charter for Peace and National Reconciliation, he offered amnesty to groups that committed violence between 1992 and 2006. While this charter protected many Algerians from prosecution, Bouteflika also used it to restrict the press from investigating human rights violations. 

Following the enactment of this charter, independent publications were allowed a modicum of freedom as they operated independently of the state. However, the divide between independent publications and the Algerian state-run media only grew as Bouteflika consolidated his power.

An Algerian soldier barricades a street. Magha Rebia. CC BY 2.0.

In recent years, as pro-democracy movements gain traction in Algeria, independent publications have generally been the only media covering the protests. With tensions between Algerian citizens and the government mounting over the past decade, independent publications have been increasingly villainized by the state. Using state-owned companies as leverage, the Algerian government has stripped most independent publications of their primary source of income—advertisements. 

Within the past year, multiple independent media outlets critical of the regime have been blocked, including Maghreb Emergent and Radio M. Reporters Without Borders, an international organization that works to protect freedom of the press globally, now ranks Algeria 146th out of 180 countries in the 2020 World Press Freedom Index, which evaluates the degree of freedom awarded to journalists. Algeria’s ranking in this index has dropped drastically in the past five years -- in 2015, Algeria was ranked 27 places higher. 


The imprisonment of Khaled Drareni only amplifies the harsh restrictions being gradually imposed on the Algerian media. In April 2020, Algeria passed a law criminalizing “fake news” to maintain “public order and state security.” This law increases the repression of journalists in an already corrupt state. With privately-owned media facing severe blockades, social media has become a driving force in disseminating information to young people across the country. Social media platforms have become a pivotal tool for activists, allowing them to coordinate nonviolent protests and spread news that is not aired on radio or television. This movement has encouraged reporters at state-backed media companies to resign and actively fight for marginalized voices to be heard. Algeria remains in a state of flux as reporters stripped of their formal platforms are actively working toward freedom of the press through alternative means of communication.

Sarah Leidich

is currently an English and Film major at Barnard College of Columbia University. Sarah is inspired by global art in every form, and hopes to explore the intersection of activism, art, and storytelling through her writing.

COVID-19 Further Complicates Kenya’s Health Care System

Kenya is facing a double burden of communicable and noncommunicable diseases. Clustering of infections, such as HIV and tuberculosis, and noncommunicable diseases, such as diabetes and high blood pressure, renders Kenyans vulnerable to COVID-19. This has pressured an already overstretched health care system.

Hospital entrance sign in Kenya’s Rift Valley province. Melanie K Reed. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0

In mid-March, shortly after Kenya’s first confirmed COVID-19 case, the word “corona” began circulating around western Kenya’s villages. Young people used the word as a novelty, and the overall population remained preoccupied with existing illnesses. “This is a disease for whites,” said Sylvanus, a local father of seven. When calling after white people on the street, children replaced their traditional “mzungu!” (white person) with “coronavirus!” At this point, Europe was the pandemic’s epicenter. Kenyans felt that this foreign virus was removed from their world. 

However, Kenya’s high prevalence of preexisting health conditions renders a significant portion of the population immunocompromised and therefore vulnerable to the coronavirus. In a country experiencing health issues such as HIV, tuberculosis, diabetes and malaria, the pandemic has posed a threat to an already fragmented health care system. Although less than 4% of Africa’s population is over the age of 65, countries such as Kenya have seen high coronavirus mortality rates. 

Global evidence shows that people with underlying medical conditions are at a greater risk from COVID-19. In 2019, half a million Kenyans were living with diabetes, and over half of accounted deaths were associated with noncommunicable diseases. Currently, Kenya’s health care system is structured to manage individual diseases, rather than multiple ones. Because patients frequently carry more than one health condition, the health care system has been overstretched and inadequate. HIV, tuberculosis and malaria treatments are easily accessible, but noncommunicable diseases such as diabetes and cancer often go undiagnosed, and care is costly. The COVID-19 pandemic has exacerbated these shortcomings, as social distancing restrictions prevent Kenyans from accessing medical resources, and a surge of coronavirus cases imposes a double burden of disease. Additionally, front-line workers with undiagnosed, chronic illnesses have critically compromised their health, and hospitals have dealt with equipment shortages. 

Transcontinental travel has heavily contributed to the increase in COVID-19 cases across Africa. In order to minimize Kenya’s number of infections, President Uhuru Kenyatta stopped all flights from Europe. Kenyatta also imposed a national curfew and restricted movement between populated areas. Domestically, middle-class, urban dwellers have carried the virus into rural areas. On Kenyan television, villagers have urged educated, urban residents to remain in the city, instead of threatening the lives of others. 

In African countries, lockdowns are nearly impossible to implement because they would spur social and economic crises. Many people rely on cash earned daily to sustain themselves and their families. A strict lockdown would result in poverty and starvation. Kinship systems also play a crucial role in social welfare, as relatives care for one another. For people already barely getting by, cutting these social ties would be dangerous. Finally, a lockdown would interrupt the supply chains of essential drugs, preventing access to tuberculosis, HIV and malaria treatments. 

According to several African presidents, developed countries are failing to fulfill their pledges of financial support and debt relief. Throughout the pandemic, outside aid has not met the continent’s needs. While wealthy countries in the global north have funneled trillions of dollars into their own stimulus packages and health initiatives, the global south cannot afford such measures. With limited testing capacity, Africa has not confirmed many of the world’s COVID-19 cases, but the continent has been grossly affected by the economic crisis and global trade disruptions. Furthermore, the global shortage of testing kits, hygienic material and personal protective equipment has left developed countries vying for their own supplies, without consideration for underdeveloped nations. 

Anna Wood

is an Anthropology major and Global Health/Spanish double minor at Middlebury College. As an anthropology major with a focus in public health, she studies the intersection of health and sociocultural elements. She is also passionate about food systems and endurance sports.

Blue Out on Insta

Blue Out on Instagram: Support for Sudan through Social Media Awareness

Sudan Flag Sticker on a Car. pjbury. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0

Recently, a specific shade of blue has been popping up around Instagram in the form of profile pictures. This Blue Out was started by Instagram influencer Shahd (@hadyouatsalaam). She is a Sudanese-born, New York City-based activist—or how she likes to identify herself, “a political scientist by degree and a social media influencer by interest”, according to her recent Insta post, introducing herself to her new followers. 

Shahd created this movement for the sole purpose of raising awareness to what is currently going on in Sudan. Protests in Sudan began in December of last year, when there was a price-spike in basic commodities (i.e. bread). It was not until April 11th, after a mass, multi-day sit-in, that the Sudanese people did see the change they wished for. The current President, a man named Omar al-Bashir, and his party were being jailed or put on house arrest. The protestors believed this to be a victory. They were wrong. General Awad Ibn Auf, the Vice President, soon gave a televised statement explaining the new governmental system that was going to be put in place—one run by three separate military factions called the Transitional Military Council (TMC). He stated that they intended to remain in power for two years until the country could elect a new President, also claiming a three-month state of emergency and curfew. The people did not accept these conditions and in under 24 hours, Ibn Auf resigned and General Abdelfattah al-Burhaan become the new chairman.

Since General Abdelfattah al-Burhaan’s new appointment, negotiations between the people and the TMC have been chaotic. Once again being fed up, the Sudaneese people, with the people of the Sudanese Professionals Association (SPA), organized a mass strike from the 28th of May to the 29th. These strikes immediately became violent and the TMC used these mass demonstrations to portray the SPA in a vicious light. On June 3rd, government forces began shooting at the protestors which, reportedly, left 118 dead and many more injured. Since then, an Internet black out has been in place and thus sparked social media outcry.

But why should this matter to us? The answer is simple: because we have the power and the privilege of accessing the Internet with the capable means of shouting loud enough that somebody will listen. Over the past two weeks, because of the uproar on social media, there have been an influx of articles written about what is going on, how long it has been going on, what is the important information that we need to know about the revolution in Sudan. One Instagram user, Rachek Cargle (@rachel,cargle), with the help of “an incredible group of activists” has even composed a masterlist of articles ranging from immediate updates to fundraising efforts, according to her post that calls for any more information to add. 

Unfortunately, with the uproar, there have also been people who cruelly want to capitalize on the movement for clout reasons. Just last week, a post went viral that claimed for every re-post to a page or story, the originators of the account would donate meals to the Sudanese people. Very soon, the page was labeled as a hoax given curious peoples’ inquiries into how they would provide the food, where is the funding coming from, and other questions which the page either did not answer or gave vague responses to. From these instances, it is important to remember that when trying to get information out, there needs to be a more thorough and conscious effort on the part of other social media users to not just mindlessly click-and-post, but rather, do a quick search about what the post is, and then determine whether or not it is legitimate. 

Using the privilege we have—whether it be from simply having the means to repost an article or getting in contact with local government officials so they can talk about what is going on—is a butterfly-effect that will change how the Sudanese revolution will go. Being complacent or a bystander is just as harmful as supporting the violence because inaction is not action, inaction does not bring about change but lets things remain as they are, because they are not directly affecting us. I encourage those of you reading this article to look at the Instagram influencers I have mentioned as well as the hashtag #Iamsudanrevolution. There you will find countless posts, articles, links, and organizations that can inform you, help you, and guide you on how you can help. For immediate action, check out Cargle’s post which is a picture of protestors with SUDAN in bold, blue letters and the subtitle of Information & Support Round Up. There you will find the link to the master document which will provide the beginning of any information you want to know. 

I must repeat—acting as a bystander perpetuates the actions that are harming individuals because it is neglecting them the action they need. Use your privilege for something productive. 




OLIVIA HAMMOND is an undergraduate at Emerson College in Boston, Massachusetts. She studies Creative Writing, with minors in Sociology/Anthropology and Marketing. She has travelled to seven different countries, most recently studying abroad this past summer in the Netherlands. She has a passion for words, traveling, and learning in any form.